You may recall that originally February 2002, was to be the
next deadline on terrorist decommissioning, until the Government
decided that it would take the pressure off and leave decommissioning
open-ended potentially to 2007. As we ourselves predicted,
it was an almost prophetic move by the Government because
here we are now past February and we have heard not one word
about any more movement on decommissioning.
However, remaining true to the pattern which has been followed
by the Government throughout this process, we have seen plenty
of movement on the other side of the coin. We have had the
announcement of further security base and watchtower closures,
the declaration that the Government intends to press ahead
with the amnesty for the "on-the-runs", and the
disgraceful awarding of special status to Sinn Fein at Westminster.
The Secretary of State has been on the offensive recently,
"spinning" that these matters should not be regarded
as concessions. Gerry Adams tried to tell us that these moves
are about achieving equality and that that is really what
unionism is afraid of. Quite frankly, the situation is bad
enough in itself without also insulting our intelligence.
How can we see such moves as anything else other than concessions
when they are so blatantly one-sided and in no way treat both
communities equally? What is fair and equal about the unionist
community being told it must move on and forget about the
past, while there are countless calls for inquiries from nationalists
and the costs of the Saville Inquiry spiral out of control?
How is it fair that the republican agenda is consistently
pursuing the army and the R.U.C. over past actions while I.R.A.
terrorists will be let off the hook and allowed back into
society scot free?
How is it not a concession when a completely new category
of MP is created to allow the awarding of offices to Sinn
Fein when they clearly state they have no intention of ever
taking their seats?
Again, all these things have continued but there has been
no further movement from the I.R.A. since the event which
happened more than three months ago. The nature of that event
was deeply unsatisfactory in many respects and we still wait
to see if it was a one-off. If the current situation has not
changed drastically by March I think we will again have serious
matters to discuss at the annual general meeting of the Ulster
Unionist Council.
A lot of the concessions I have spoken about were of course
all made just weeks after the Secretary of State spoke about
the dangers of Northern Ireland becoming "a cold place"
for Unionists. Dr. Reid's actions after that speech showed
how much he really grasps that concept. However, I would go
one further and say that I think there is a real danger that
Northern Ireland is becoming a cold place for the ordinary
and decent people in society.
The ordinary decent people out there are appalled at the
things they see going on in Northern Ireland today. They are
appalled when they are told that we are in a peace process
and yet every news report demonstrates to them the wave of
violence which is sweeping over the Province.
We are consistently told that it is an imperfect peace but
things are much better than they were.
It may be true that the level of violence linked to the political
situation here is less than it was, although it is still at
a significant level. However, it makes no material difference
to the victim of an attack whether the perpetrator was driven
by political motivations, greed or just plain malice. The
nature of some of the attacks we keep hearing about are more
and more shocking, and it is frankly unbelievable that individuals
can consider that these sort of actions, especially against
the most vulnerable in our society.
What frustrates the ordinary, decent people out there as
much as this violence itself, is the response which it gains
from those in authority. They look back to the fact that those
who committed the most brutal crimes were released from prison.
They look to the concessions that have been given to the representatives
of those who used violence to terrorise the community. And
they see the Government now offering an amnesty to those criminals
who were not apprehended without any acknowledgement of their
crimes.
And it is not just the response to violence committed by
those who would claim political reasons which the ordinary
decent people cannot comprehend. They see violent crimes soaring
but see that the police are have great difficulty in coping
with it. It does not make sense to them that the cutting of
police numbers and the closing of police stations is on the
agenda now at the very time when they feel more at risk.
It is the greatest concern that when crime levels are perceived
to be high, the police clearance rate for those crimes is
low. I only have to refer to my own constituency of South
Belfast. Of the eight broad categories of crime given in the
police figures, South Belfast has either the first or second
highest rate in all of them. However, while South Belfast
has the highest overall level of crime in Northern Ireland,
its clearance rate ranks four from the bottom out of the 29
district police command units.
While I do find the clearance rate disappointing, I do not
blame the police officers who are on the ground and who are
having to deal with intolerable pressures. That was all too
evident from the disturbing article in the News Letter which
reported that some officers feel driven to raising their shift
patterns with an industrial tribunal. A morale-sapped force
with high numbers of officers on sick leave, placing even
more strain on those remaining on duty, is not in a position
to cope with high levels of crime.
I know that numerous factors are responsible for this situation,
but I do have to say that, although many may try, we cannot
avoid placing some of the blame on the Agreement and the Patten
report. Without the cut in numbers it proposed and its affect
upon morale, we would have a police force which is much more
able to cope in the present situation. The treatment of the
law enforcers as compared to that of the law-breakers over
the last few years is quite simply shameful.
What matters at the moment is that we have capable officers
out on the streets, giving more consideration to merit and
ability rather than religion and quotas.
The ordinary, decent people of Northern Ireland are also
looking to the courts to give a lead in setting out a real
deterrent for criminals.
The community itself does of course have a role. We need
to strengthen the neighbourly spirit in communities with people
looking out for each other and we need to create a culture
where there is no place to hide for those who break the law.
It is in everyone's interest to provide whatever help they
can to the police to have such criminals apprehended and sentenced.
That does also mean that society should be able to expect
that all parents will take responsibility for policing their
own charges, as the majority do. I think this was best summed
up by a police officer on the radio who was talking about
the rioting in North Belfast. He said that quite often there
were children of 14 out attacking the police with stones at
five o'clock in the morning and quite reasonably asked: "Is
there no-one there checking whether these children are in
bed?"
It is exactly those sorts of scenarios which the ordinary,
decent people out there find unbelievable. Society will not
be able to avoid the breakdown in law and order, if discipline
and respect are not instilled in our homes.
The ordinary, decent people in Northern Ireland are appalled
by the headlines of the last few months and they are feeling
more vulnerable than they have before. They are not only fearful
of attacks but they also are concerned as to the condition
they are going to have to face if they require emergency treatment
from the health service as a result.
For a long time the ordinary, decent people in Northern Ireland
did not see ordinary crime as a real threat but the sad fact
is that they are now seeing that it is an everyday and frightening
reality. The authorities have a duty to stand up for the ordinary
decent people. The Government must fulfil that duty in having
an effective and tough policy which stands up to violence
in all its forms, regardless of motivation, and aims to stamp
it out.
Rev. Martin Smyth M.P.
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